OLYMPE: Stop laughing! It’s serious. These people are not stupid. Sure, they deny that the sun moves, but oth­erwise they can be quite clever. For example, they have found a way to make an entire church bell fit inside of a small, flat box. They call this box a “phone.” No, I have not seen the bell inside the box but that’s irrel­evant: I have heard it chime with my own ears.

OLYMPE: Right?! Can you imagine living that way, each with her own bell? Chaos. It’s the only expla­nation I’ve come up with for this “con­sti­tu­tion­alism” business.

OLYMPE: No. As I said, the court that handles the business of that parchment is con­sidered the highest in the land.

OLYMPE: Well, they do modify it. They call these mod­i­fi­ca­tions “amend­ments” and they never tire of citing them. But if you even hint at the pos­si­bility of mod­i­fying the mod­i­fi­ca­tions, they look at you like you deserve to lose your ear.

OLYMPE: They don’t debate that part. They bicker over how to interpret what the parchment says, sure; careers are built and destroyed over that question. But everyone seems content with the idea that the peace of their kingdom rests on its message. One can’t even determine—

OLYMPE: No, they don’t fight with javelins anymore, but with some­thing far worse, and that’s the last I am going to say about that.

To get back to the point, one can’t even determine what it’s made of, this “con­sti­tution” parchment, because they have sealed it under glass patrolled by people wearing the black clothes of cler­gymen and nobles. It seems pos­sible that, like ours, it con­sists of an animal, meaning the pelt of someone who, one time, feeling the warmth of sun­light, expe­ri­enced the hunger for grass that guides human progress (de Marchi 2009, cited in Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos 2013, 150). But get this: those dressed like cler­gymen and nobles, although they—yes—patrol the parchment itself, live humbly, on the out­skirts of the city. They barely get any sleep, they have to wake up so early to get to the hall where the parchment is. The true nobles of this place, on the other hand—the ones who rule the cor­po­ra­tions that dis­tribute the encased bells (“phones”)—dress in rags by comparison.

OLYMPE: As I said, I’m not getting into the javelin business. Give these people a chance!

OLYMPE: Exactly, except that it’s not just about that par­ticular parchment. This “con­sti­tu­tion­alism” per­meates other aspects of life. See, these people create their own per­sonal con­sti­tu­tions. You know our Latin term, resūmere [to recover]? Well, a “resume” in this society governs who gets what and how much space she gets to take up. For some reason, they don’t bother pre­serving an original version of this thing, the “resume,” and although you can add to it, no one would dream of editing it. You would probably get stoned for that.

OLYMPE: No, I have never heard of an “amendment” to a resume. As I said, they don’t like modifications.

OLYMPE: That is unkind.

OLYMPE: Well, your unkindness points to what one of them calls, more gen­er­ously, “anti-theatricality” (Peters 2022, 30). One way to think about it, if you wish, is as a recoil from the impro­vi­sa­tions at the kernel of life (Velasco [undated], 3).

OLYMPE: Yes, I showed them our best­seller, and no, they didn’t get any pleasure out of what hap­pened to the camel  (Kusowski 2022, 157–161). I hes­i­tated to bring it up, since my impli­cation that they were the camel in this sce­nario felt too on-the-nose. But they didn’t get offended. They didn’t find him pathetic at all.

OLYMPE: They don’t want your pity, Robert! Look, apart from several grave issues, these people don’t have it so bad. And they do care about things other than parchment. They are even capable of art. Con­sider their system of per­sonal bells. One of them let me look into the box con­taining hers, and a miracle greeted me. There was no visible church inside, just a bril­liant field of white light con­taining one word: “search.” That’s it. “Search.” How beau­tiful is that?

GLOSS

The con­dition of pos­si­bility for this impos­sible source is Ada Kusowksi’s Ver­nacular Law (Cam­bridge 2022), a study of medieval French legal prac­tices with pro­found impli­ca­tions. Focusing on a set of man­u­scripts com­posed by lay French jurists and anonymous writers between the mid-13th and early 14th cen­turies, Kusowski develops an account of the rela­tionship between writing and social life that chal­lenges a textbook story about the birth of what today goes by the name “cus­tomary law.” According to that story, writing chained the eternal present of orality to the written word, locking supple and shifting com­munity prac­tices into place through visual prac­tices of cod­i­fi­cation. In con­trast to evanescent spoken words, writing, as this story would have it, looks backward, con­trolling the future by dis­guising con­tingent forms of life as nec­essary rules of association.

But, as Kusowski painstak­ingly shows, the very sources drafted into the service of this nar­rative reveal a dif­ferent picture entirely. For one thing, the oral culture the cou­tu­miers sup­posedly helped to dis­place already included prac­tices of writing and record­keeping. For another, even as they trans­formed “custom” into a new field of knowledge, no two cou­tu­miers were exactly alike. They guided their readers through thickets of con­vention in dif­ferent, original ways that demon­strate cre­ative license on the part of their authors. Further, rather than repli­cating Roman legal texts or pro­viding scripts to lay readers, the cou­tu­miers counsel their audi­ences in the art of deploying oral rhetoric them­selves. In con­trast to a uniform, col­lective voice, the cou­tumier man­u­scripts thus reflect a chorus of per­spec­tives which, while they helped transform custom into a coherent field of knowledge, sounded very dif­ferent chords in the process. The man­u­scripts on which they were recorded, moreover, were con­tin­ually revised and recom­posed. The cou­tu­miers in Kusowski’s reading are thus para­doxical entities, a form of “unwritten writing” that “was written but did not have the fixity of writing” (Kusowski 152). They demon­strate a society bound not by alle­giance to the written word, but, instead, by “a living law that was not pinned down through text” (Kusowski 269). I find this “living law” to be an extremely pro­ductive concept within and beyond Kusowski’s context. According to Kusowski, the dance of orality never did give way to a death march of written signs. Instead, writing and oral culture form a “con­tinuum” in which prac­tices of inscription were assim­i­lated into oral culture, and vice versa (Kusowski 268). Among the many con­tri­bu­tions of Kusowski’s subtle argument is its invi­tation to see the pri­ority of Urtexts in our world, so laughable to the imag­inary char­acter of Olympe, not as grist for a for­malist attitude that has obscured the lively dif­fer­ences ani­mating the cou­tu­miers. Instead, Kusowski frames the belief in a textual basis to human forms of life as one example of the—living—practice of foundationalism.