Convivencia –Fancy
By Hussein Fancy | Published on February 9, 2021
“O my friends, there is no friend.”[1]
¶ Is convivencia friendship? Yes, but only in the sense that there is no friend.
The story of convivencia – that most vexing of terms from the study of medieval Iberia – is usually told like this. For some scholars, Jews, Christians, and Muslims lived in relative harmony — what has come to be called convivencia. Cheek by jowl, they set aside their differences to build a shared, plural, and ultimately, flourishing society. For others, there was no such thing. Rather than cheeks, they were at each other’s throats. Truces were temporary, and expulsions were inevitable. In other words, the story is usually told twice, in opposing and opposite ways: cooperation and conflict, tolerance and intolerance, friendship and hostility.
The story revolves around the remarkable philologist and literary scholar Américo Castro. A student and later colleague of the medievalist Ramón Menéndez Pidal, Castro also played a prominent role in the Second Spanish Republic, the democratic government that held power between 1931 and 1939, the political interlude between the deposition of Alfonso XIII and the dictatorship for Francisco Franco. Among other things, Castro served as ambassador to Germany. At the outset of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), however, Castro fled to Argentina and later, the United States, where he continued his academic career at a variety of prestigious universities and eventually became a citizen. It was in exile that Castro wrote España en su historia, a work that he amplified and revised several times under the title of La realidad histórica de España.[2] In this work, he offered a provocative reading of the Spanish past in the light of contemporary crisis. Put simply, rather than a biological race, he argued that Spanish people were the product of their coexistence (convivencia) with Muslims and Jews between the eighth and thirteenth centuries. The failure of the Spanish people to recognize this fact, he argued, had put them at odds with their own history.
Of the many negative responses to Castro’s work, the angriest came from the historian Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz. Like Castro, Sánchez-Albornoz was a student of Menéndez Pidal and deeply involved in the Second Republic. He served as a member of parliament, minister, and ambassador. And like Castro, during Franco’s dictatorship, he lived in exile in Argentina. There, he founded the Instituto de Historia de España and the journal Cuadernos de historia de España. From 1962 to 1970, Sánchez-Albornoz was also president of the Spanish Republic in exile. After Franco’s death, however, Sánchez-Albornoz chose to return to Spain. For all that their biographies had in common, Sánchez-Albornoz vehemently disagreed with Castro. To some extent, his vehemence reflected a personal dyspepsia. He was vicious in his attacks on Castro, listing his errors with repugnance. In turn, a thin-skinned Castro was defensive. He obsessed over Sánchez-Albornoz’s criticisms and continuously revised his work to answer those objections. To a larger extent, however, Sánchez-Albornoz’s vehemence stemmed from his Catholic convictions, which seemed to run against the current of his liberal politics. In his España: un enigma histórico, he argued that Castro had exaggerated the influence of Islam and Judaism on the Spanish people and insulted the Catholic faith.[3] Defending the position of their teacher, Menéndez Pidal, Sánchez Albornoz sought to demonstrate that the Spanish race had preexisted the arrival of scant bands of Arab invaders in 711, who left little or no trace on its essential character.
The bitter and dramatic struggle between Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz has left a lasting impression on scholars of medieval Iberia. And in their retrospective glances, the gulf between these two scholars has only grown wider. Whereas Castro imagined peaceful coexistence and tolerance, Sánchez-Albornoz saw armed conflict and intolerance. Whereas Castro saw the positive influence of Islam and Judaism, Sánchez-Albornoz saw heroic resistance to the foreign invaders. Whereas Castro fought racism, Sánchez-Albornoz promoted it. Whereas Castro was a secular liberal, Sánchez-Albornoz was a religious nationalist and conservative. Whereas Castro was a literary scholar, with a poetic sense of history, Sánchez-Albornoz was a hard-nosed empiricist. But the differences between Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz have been overplayed, and these two scholars have come to represent different disputes than the one that they were involved in.
Although it outstrips the capacity of this position paper, I would suggest that the common understanding of convivencia as friendly relations is a catachresis. Indeed, Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz did not disagree about the matter of social harmony or religious tolerance. They did not disagree about the influence of Islam on Spanish identity. Theirs was not a veiled debate over politics, a choice between liberalism and conservativism. Theirs was not a veiled debate over method, a choice between interpretivism and historicism. Indeed, the fact that they agreed about all these matters only intensified their argument, provoking what Sigmund Freud called a narcissism of minor differences (der Narzissmus der kleinen Differenzen), his own expression to explain the complex manner in which an individual or community defined itself against another, his own attempt to grapple with what both Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz identified as the problem of convivencia. So, what then was convivencia?
Convivencia belonged to the peculiar derangements of mid-century European intellectual life, a widespread crisis of confidence in human reason brought on by the devastating effects of war, a crisis that shook the liberal confidence in reason to its core and provoked what Georg Simmel called a “crisis of culture” across Europe. A deep discontent with scientific positivism led a number of Spanish intellectuals to engage with critiques of neo-Kantianism emerging from Germany, above all, the traditions of existentialism and phenomenology associated with Wilhem Dilthey, Edmund Husserl, and Martin Heidegger. Rejecting the traditions of naturalism, logic, ontology, and psychologism, these thinkers sought nothing less than a revolution in philosophy, which, they argued, had been hampered since Descartes by an abstract and disembodied conception of the mind. For the existentialists and phenomenologists, the mind and the world, self and other, friend and enemy could not be held apart. Instead, the proper and primary object of philosophy was “lived experience.” In enigmatic terms like Dilthey’s Erlebnis, Husserl’s Lebenswelt, and Heidegger’s Dasein, they hoped to bridge the gap between subjective and objective experience, between individual and social consciousness. They hoped to overcome the shortcomings of earlier philosophy.
Although one might also speak of others, the key transmitter of German existentialism and phenomenology to Spain was José Ortega y Gasset (1883–1955).[4] Through his lectures on and sponsorship of translations of the new philosophy and mathematical physics – including Dilthey, Einstein, and Heidegger – Ortega shaped a generation of Spanish intellectuals, not only scholars but also artists like Federico García Lorca (1898–1936) and Luis Buñuel (1900–1983), who sought in their own way to extract the essence of human experience. Ortega’s personal life also paralleled that of Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz. He served in government during the Second Republic and was forced into exile in Argentina during the Spanish Civil War. For all these reasons, it is not surprising that he served as a common point of reference for both Castro and Sánchez-Albornoz. Ortega’s translation of phenomenology provides a clear origin for their ideas:
Being open to the other, to others, is a permanent and constitutive state of Man, not a definite action in respect to them. … This state is not yet properly a “social relation,” because it is not yet defined in any concrete act. It is simple co-existence [conexistencia], [the] matrix for all possible “social relations.” It is simple presence within the horizon of my life—a presence which is, above all, more compresence of the Other, singular or plural.[5]
This notion of conexistencia – something prior to and distinct from social relations – is what Castro aimed to capture and advance in his own enigmatic neologism, convivencia. Convivencia was not about the relations between communities, as we commonly see it, but rather the possibility of community itself.
In the same vein, we might say that convivencia is another name for the paradox of friendship. Friendship is riddled with contradictions.[6] When friendship is enacted, the lines blur, as they would for an astigmatic, between passion and reason, self and other, gift and trade. Aristotle put it this way: “One must therefore also ‘con-sent’ [synaisthanomenoi] that his friend exists, and this happens by living together [syzēn] and by sharing acts and thoughts in common [koinōnein].”[7] Friendship, too, is “living together.” For Derrida and others, the answer to the paradox lay in the fact that friend is not a relational category but an existential one.[8]
¶ In other words, one cannot unravel the paradoxes of convivencia without unravelling the paradoxes of friendship.
Notes
- Derrida uses this aphorism misattributed to Aristotle by Montaigne. See Jacques Derrida, Politics of Friendship, trans. George Collins (New York: Verso, 2005 [1994]), vii.[↑]
- Américo Castro, España en su historia: cristianos, moros y judíos (Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada, 1948). A translation of this work, which included some revisions, appeared under the title, The Structure of Spanish History, trans. Edmund L. King (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954) Castro thoroughly revised España en su historia and published it under a new title in 1954, which he subsequently revised four more times: ibid., La realidad histórica de España (Mexico City: Editorial Porrúa, 1954 [1962, 2nd ed.; 1966, 3rd ed.; 1971, 4th ed.]).[↑]
- Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz, España: un enigma histórico (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 1956); a literal and infelicitous translation appears as Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz, Spain: A Historical Enigma (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1975) [henceforth, Spain].[↑]
- José Ortega y Gasset, Obras Completas (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1946–69).[↑]
- Ortega, Obras Completas, VII,149–50: “El estar abierto al otro, a los otros, es un estado permanente y constitutivo del Hombre, no una acción determinado respecto a ellos. Esta acción determinda – el hacer algo con ellos, sea para ellos or sea entre ellos – supone ese estado previo e inactive de abertura. Esta no es aún propriamente una ‘relación social’, porque no se determina aún en ningún acto concreto. Es la simple conexistencia, matriz de todas las posibles ‘relaciones sociales’. Es la simple presencia en el horizonte de mi vida – presencia que es, sobre todo, mera compresencia del Otro en singular o en plural,” as cited with translation in Oliver Holmes, “José Ortega y Gasset,” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Winter 2017 Edition), ed. Edward N. Zalta, URL = https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2017/entries/gasset/.[↑]
- Julian Pitt-Rivers, “The Paradox of Friendship,” Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 6, no. 3 (1996): 443–52.[↑]
- Aristot. Nic. Eth. 1170b as cited with translation in Giorgio Agamben, What is an Apparatus? trans. David Kishik and Stefan Pedatella (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 32–33.[↑]
- See also Agamben, What is an Apparatus?, 35.[↑]