In 2013, reading from Bernal Díaz del Castillo’s His­toria ver­dadera de la Con­quista de la Nueva España, for a graduate seminar about colonial cities and fes­tivals led by my soon-to-be adviser, Lisa Voigt, I came across a line – just one line – that men­tions a pro­cession of “more than fifty” Black men, women, and children led by “their king and queen.” Intrigued by this passage, I began the research that ulti­mately led to my first book, Sov­ereign Joy: Afro-Mexican Kings and Queens, 1539–1640. As explored in that book, I dis­covered a wide­spread Afro-diasporic practice of Afrode­scen­dants per­forming with a king and queen in early modern fes­tivals and in prin­ci­pally in their communities.

 

The book studies three fes­tival accounts, including Díaz del Castillo’s, and employs archival and visual sources to open those texts to the world they close in. The com­par­ative approach I arrived at drew from dias­poric, trans­geo­graphic, and transtem­poral method­ologies that afforded me glimpses of con­ti­nu­ities, albeit neither of indis­tin­guishable sameness nor static, across the Afro-Iberian diaspora (in the Iberian Peninsula, the Americas, and Africa) and the cen­turies. Sov­ereign Joy thus con­tributes to lit­erary studies, Black studies, Atlantic studies, history, art history, reli­gious studies, con­fra­ternity studies, per­for­mance studies, and other fields of studies, where Afrode­scen­dants’ cul­tural lives have been mar­ginal. The book centers Mexico and the Iberian Atlantic as key site to start any analysis of the cul­tural trans­for­ma­tions ushered by European expansion, whereas “Atlantic studies” as done in the US and British acad­emies have neglected this pivotal part of the story.

 

While the greater scarcity of sources in the Anglo-Atlantic has led scholars to develop alter­native cre­ative method­ologies to account for Black lives and expe­ri­ences, Black festive prac­tices have been studied in the Iberian Peninsula and the Americas because we have far more sources for the Iberian Atlantic. Yet dis­ci­plinary con­ven­tions and stubborn forms of peri­odization limited scholars in making broader con­nec­tions across the diaspora and cen­turies. Breaking these estab­lished time periods, chronologies, and geo­graphic borders with careful trans­dis­ci­plinary dias­poric research allowed me to account for these prac­tices. So, it was not only the paucity of detail that made it impos­sible to make sense of Afro-Mexican festive prac­tices in iso­lation. Although Mexican iter­a­tions dif­fered in some respects from other instances else­where (which only reaf­firmed that they became localized global prac­tices), this com­par­ative approach afforded me a window upon the wider net­works that mobi­lized these local prac­tices, created by con­scious actors who were speaking to each other across space and time from their local contexts. 

 

The research I did for Sov­ereign Joy has also led to my current book project. Black festive kings and queens were nor­mally staged by lay Catholic soci­eties called cofradías in Spanish and irman­dades in Por­tuguese. In Brazil, these lay Catholic soci­eties built approx­i­mately fifty churches, whereas in the rest of the Iberian world, only two or three other Black lay Catholic soci­eties – in Spain and Cuba – managed to do that. In my current book project, ten­ta­tively titled Archi­tects of Their World: The Artistic and Rit­u­al­istic Spaces of Afro-Brazilian Broth­er­hoods, I’m looking at what it meant for these Black com­mu­nities to own their own spaces. In chapter 1, I look at the church building and its art, which some­times revised Catholic history. A party guy at heart, in chapter 2, I explore the kinds of fes­tivals they were able to stage because of this – owning their own spaces – beyond the king and queen per­for­mance. Chapter 3, which looks at mixed-race Afro-Brazilian lay Catholic soci­eties, and some of which I’ll share with you today, com­bines these two first chapters as it looks at how mixed-race Afro-Brazilians sought to hew their own physical and social spaces, overtly dis­tancing them­selves from their Black parents, but employing the varied strategies these latter had developed to do the same. Chapter 4 looks at mor­tuary rituals and how having autonomy over these allowed these Catholic soci­eties to combine ele­ments derived from African culture – such as dancing and feasting, as Vincent Brown notes in the Reaper’s Garden, for example – with Catholic rituals to develop their own deathways.

 

In chapters 1 through 3, I’m looking at how these Afro-Brazilian lay Catholic soci­eties com­peted for sacro-social prestige, or social respectability, in a world where the socio-symbolic – including race, as Thomas C. Holt has noted – was overde­ter­mined by the sacred, or men’s use of the sacred, through these prac­tices. In chapter 2 and 3, I am also looking at Black joy, specif­i­cally as a Black form of Catholic gaudium, or Christian joy.